The Cattle Towns (New York, 1968) for the view that the West was not especially violent, see Robert R. Dykstra.
For a characterization of this debate decades that are several, see Robert R. Dykstra, “Quantifying the crazy West: The Problematic Statistics of Frontier Violence, ” Western Historical Quarterly, 40 (Sept. 2009), 321–47. On western bloodshed, but utilizing the assertion that frontier mayhem had been overstated, see Eugene Hollon, Frontier Violence: Another Look (ny, 1978). For the argument that the frontier ended up being violent, however in certain means, see Roger D. McGrath, Gunfighters, Highwaymen, and Vigilantes: Violence regarding the Frontier (Berkeley, 1984), 247–60. On high homicide rates in counties in Nebraska, Colorado, and Arizona, see Clare V. McKanna, Homicide, Race, and Justice within the United states West, 1880–1920 (Tucson, 1997). For an interpretation of this reputation for homicide across United states areas that looks at wider patterns and particularity that is regional see Randolph Roth, United states Homicide (Cambridge, Mass., 2009). Leonard, Lynching in Colorado; Carrigan, Making of a Lynching heritage; Gonzales-Day, Lynching within the western. On Kansas, see Brent M. S. Campney, “‘Light Is Bursting Upon the World! ’: White Supremacy and Racist Violence against Blacks in Reconstruction Kansas, ” Western Historical Quarterly, 41 (summer time 2010), 171–94); Brent M. S. Campney, “‘And This in complimentary Kansas’: Racist Violence, Ebony and White Resistance, Geographical Particularity, as well as the ‘Free State’ Narrative in Kansas, 1865 to 1914” (Ph.D. Diss., Emory University, 2007); and Christopher C. Lovett, “A Public Burning: Race, Intercourse, while the Lynching of Fred Alexander, ” Kansas History: A Journal associated with camsloveaholics.com/xlovecam-review the Central Plains, 33 (Summer 2010), 94–115. On mob physical violence in fin-de-siecle southwest Missouri and northwest Arkansas, see Kimberly Harper, White Man’s paradise: The Lynching and Expulsion of Blacks in the Southern Ozarks, 1894–1909 (Fayetteville, 2010). The Lynching of Cleo Wright (Lexington, Ky., 1998) on a 1942 lynching in Missouri’s bootheel, see Dominic J. Capeci. For the full research study of mob physical violence in Indian Territory in 1898, see Daniel F. Littlefield Jr., Seminole Burning: a tale of Racial Vengeance (Jackson, 1996). Zagrando, naacp Crusade against Lynching, 5. On lynching in northeast Texas, see Brandon Jett, “The Bloody Red River: Lynching and Racial Violence in Northeast Texas, 1890–1930” (M.A. Thesis, Texas State University at San Marcos, 2012). A Decent Orderly Lynching: The Montana Vigilantes (Norman, 2004) on vigilantism in Montana in the 1860s, see Frederick Allen. For comprehensive state and territory listings of western, midwestern, and northeastern lynchings, see “Appendix: Lynchings into the Northeast, Midwest, and West, ” in Lynching beyond Dixie, ed. Pfeifer, 261–317. The Lost Region: Toward a Revival of Midwestern History (Iowa City, 2013) for a recent assessment of midwestern history, see Jon K. Lauck. Feimster, Southern Horrors. This Female a Woman? ’: Lynching, Gender, and Culture in the Nineteenth-Century U.S. West, ” in Lynching beyond Dixie, ed for an interpretation of women and children in western lynching, see Helen McLure, “‘Who Dares to Style. Pfeifer, 21–53.
On postbellum lynchings of whites in Alabama as well as other southern states, see John Howard Ratliff, “‘In Hot Blood’: White-on-White Lynching while the Privileges of Race within the United states South, 1889–1910” (Ph.D. Diss., University of Alabama, 2007). Walter Howard, Extralegal Violence in Florida through the 1930s (Cranbury, 1995). Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky, 19–60; Carrigan, Making of the Lynching heritage, 112–31; Gilles Vandal, Rethinking Southern Violence: Homicides in Post–Civil War Louisiana, 1866–1884 (Columbus, 2000), 90–109; Baker, This Mob Will Undoubtedly simply simply simply Take my entire life; Bruce E. Baker, exactly What Reconstruction Meant: historic Memory when you look at the US Southern (Charlottesville, 2007), 84–87; Williams, They Left Great markings on me personally; Thompson, Lynchings in Mississippi, 4–16; Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 81–87. For the interpretation that is recent of physical violence within the Reconstruction Southern, see Carole Emberton, Beyond Redemption: Race, Violence, plus the United states South after the Civil War (Chicago, 2013). Pfeifer, Roots of Harsh Justice, 32–46. For information documenting 56 mob executions of slave and free americans that are african the antebellum Southern, see “Lynchings of African Us americans within the South, 1824–1862, ” ibid., 93–99. For the artificial remedy for lynching in US history which includes conversation of this colonial and antebellum eras and slavery, see Manfred Berg, Popular Justice: a brief history of Lynching in the usa (Lanham, 2011).
Nationwide Association for the development of Colored People, Thirty several years of Lynching in the us. On methodological difficulties with lynching data, specially for the areas outside of the Southern, as well as on approaches for compiling a nationwide stock, see Lisa D. Cook, “Converging up to a nationwide Lynching Database: Recent Developments, ” Historical techniques, 45 (April–June 2012), 55–63. On methodological issues active in the quantification of lynching, see Michael Ayers Trotti, “What Counts: Trends in Racial Violence within the Postbellum Southern, ” Journal of American History, 100 (Sept. 2013), 375–400. I really do not share Michael Ayers Trotti’s view that methodological challenges, significant because they are, may outweigh the many benefits of counting American lynchings.
On British and Irish influences on United states lynching and analysis of U.S. Mob physical physical violence in a context that is global see Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 7–11, 67–81, 88–91. Regarding the Norwegian community’s collective murder of a Norwegian farmer accused of mistreating their family members in Trempeleau County, Wisconsin, in 1889, see Jane M. Pederson, “Gender, Justice, and a Wisconsin Lynching, 1889–1890, ” Agricultural History, 67 (Spring 1993), 65–82. For the argument that involvement in lynching physical physical violence against African Us citizens had been a way for Irish, Czechs, and Italians in Brazos County, Texas, to say “whiteness, ” see Cynthia Skove Nevels, Lynching to Belong: Claiming Whiteness through Racial Violence (College facility, 2007). On lynching and other kinds of collective physical physical violence in structural terms across international countries, see Roberta Senechal de la Roche, “Collective physical physical physical Violence as Social Control, ” Sociological Forum, 11 (March 1996), 97–128. Manfred Berg and Simon Wendt, eds., Globalizing Lynching History: Vigilantism and Extralegal Punishment from a worldwide Perspective (nyc, 2011); Carrigan and Waldrep, eds., Swift to Wrath.
For the argument that U.S. Lynching into the long nineteenth century paralleled respected lynching violence in contemporary Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa as a significant episode in contested state formation, see Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 88–91. It is not to reject or elide key structural variations in the contexts for mob physical violence among these cultures that are respective. For contrasting interpretations of present Latin American linchamientos, see Angelina Snodgrass Godoy, “When ‘Justice’ Is Criminal: Lynchings in modern Latin America, ” Theory and community, 33 (Dec. 2004), 621–51; and Christopher Krupa, “Histories in Red: means of Seeing Lynching in Ecuador, ” American Ethnologist, 36 (Feb. 2009), 20–39. For a study of nonstate violence in recent decades over the diverse areas of sub-Saharan Africa, see Bruce E. Baker, using the legislation into Their Own Hands: Lawless Law Enforcers in Africa (Aldershot, 2002).
I will be grateful to Edward T. Linenthal, Hasan Kwame Jeffries, Bruce E. Baker, as well as an anonymous reviewer for their remarks on a youthful type of this essay.